King George V Dreadnought Class

The King George V class 'super-dreadnoughts' of the twentieth centuries first decade  comprised of four 25,420 ton Royal Navy battleships built just prior to the Great War. The King George V (KGV)  class followed on from the Orion class upon which their design was based. These four ships were of slightly  larger displacement than the Orion's (+3498t), with the extra tonnage permitting small tweaks to be incorporated into the design. The most obvious being in the appearance when compared to the Orion's. Those 'tweaks' included the main mast being repositioned, plus adjustments the conspicuously slab sided fore-funnel and further 'tweaks' to the superstructure and masts.

The two classes shared the same 13.5-inch Mark V gun, but the KGVs fired a slightly heavier, 1,400 lb (635 kg) shell, as against Orion's' 1,250 lb (567 kg) shell. It was expected that they would carry 6 inch guns as their secondary armament but this upgrade was to be left to be introduced by following class, the Iron Dukes. The secondary armament was re-arranged to improve its arc of fire ahead, which had been deemed necessary following 'tactical modelling' and forward was envisaged as the most effective direction of attack for enemy torpedo boats. Their armour was redistributed to a slight degree and the underwater protection was also improved. But given the (SPOILER ALERT), loss of Audacious to a single mine, there is an obvious question mark over the 'improvements'. The engine and boiler configuration were designed to remain the same as the Orion's with 27,000 SHP, allowing a design speed of 21 knots.But Centurion achieved a class recorded speed of 22.8+ knots at 34,530 shp. Overall, the KGVs were deemed a successful design, but they didn't generate any particular enthusiasm within the public and press, despite having been promoted  as a great advance over the Orion's.

The four ships were ordered within the 1910–1911 Naval Programme, and their overall length was 597 feet 9 inches (182.2 m). The beam was 90 feet 1 inch (27.5 m) and they had a of draught of 28 feet 8 inches (8.7 m). Their displacement was 25,420 long tons (25,830 t) at a normal load and 27,120 long tons (27,560 t) at a deep load. The ships complement numbered around 869 officers and ratings upon completion, but by 1916 it had risen with wartime demands to 1,114.

The battlecruiser, HMS Lion's sea trials showed that the placing of the fore funnel between the forward superstructure and the foremast resulted in a shower of hot clinkers and flue gases emerging from the funnels. This in effect made the spotting top on the foremast completely uninhabitable when the forward boilers were lit and the upper bridge became, depending on the wind, similarly unusable. The King George Vs had been envisaged with the same configuration during the planning stages, but the designs were amended whilst the ships were under construction to remedy the problem, but at a cost of approximately £20,000 (2017=£2,215,873.50) per ship. The solution saw the fore funnel moved aft and a makeshift foremast was built from one of the struts of the original tripod mast. The spotting tower located to the rear of the conning tower was removed, the conning tower itself enlarged, and the 'coincidence-rangefinder' moved from the foremast spotting top to the roof of the conning tower.

The KGVs were powered from two sets of Parsons direct-drive steam turbines. The outer propeller shafts were coupled to high-pressure turbines located in the outer engine rooms and these fed out into low-pressure turbines in the centre engine room, which drove their inner shafts. The turbines were fed steam from 18 water-tube boilers. These were rated at 27,000 shaft horsepower (20,000 kW) and were designed to provide the ships with a maximum speed of 21 knots. But during their sea trials, the ships were to exceed the designed speed and horsepower, Centurion reaching a maximum of 22.866 knots.  King George V at 33,022 shp reached 22.373 knots and the Ajax at 29,250 shp made 21.22 knots.Their bunkers held a maximum of 3,100 long tons (3,150 t) of coal and an additional 840 long tons (853 t) of fuel oil, which was sprayed on the coal to increase its burn rate. This combination gave the ships a range of between 5,910 to 6,710  (depending on your source) nautical miles at a cruising speed of 10 knots.

The KGV class main guns were ten 45-calibre breech-loading (BL) 13.5-inch C45 Mk5  Mark guns mounted in five central line hydraulically powered, twin-gun turrets. The turrets were designated 'A', 'B', 'Q', 'X' and 'Y' running from bow to stern. The guns had a maximum elevation of +20°,  giving them a range of 23,830 yards (21,790 m). Their gun-sights, until 1916, were limited to +15°, but then super-elevating prisms were installed to allow their full elevation.  The ten 13.5" guns were carried in five twin Mk3 turrets all on the centre line with B and X superfiring over A and Y turrets , Q turret sited amidships was the only one with restricted firing arcs. But B and X were still restricted from firing directly over the lower A & Y turrets due to the very real possibility of muzzle blast entering the lower turrets sighting hoods, which were still placed in the forward ends of the turret roofs. This resulted in both B & X turrets bring restricted from firing over from right ahead or astern to 30 degrees either side. Unlike the preceding Orion class, the loading mechanism of the turrets had been adapted to accept the longer and heavier 1,400-pound (635 kg) shell. The ships magazines held 100 shells per gun, giving an added weight of 625 (UK) tonnes to the ship. The 13.5 inch shells were 150 pounds (68 kg) more than those of the Orion's, at a muzzle velocity of about 2,500 ft per second (760 m/s) with a capacity of two rounds per minute, giving each barrel 25 minutes worth of firing time before the magazine was empty and they fell silent. The guns were capable of being continually targeted in all but heavy weather. The gun layer and turret trainer each used a single hand wheel, and they could achieve an elevation of just over 3 degrees per second by three revolutions of these hand wheels. Even the next class in British dreadnought evolution, the Iron Dukes and Tiger were not to improve much beyond the KGV elevation speeds.

Pre-war training exercises had shown that destroyer and torpedo boats attacked more often from before the bow. With this factor in mind, the KGVs secondary armament of sixteen 50-calibre BL Mk8 4-inch (102 mm) Mark VII guns were located to improve the fire capability over the bow. Eight of the 4-inch were mounted in the forward superstructure, four in the aft superstructure, and four in casemates along the side of the hull, abreast of the forward main gun turrets, and all in single mounts. The guns mounted in the hull casemates were to suffer the same problems that so many of their type did, of being frequently unusable in heavy seas. As a result they were removed during 1915, reducing the battery to 12 guns, although these guns were not the most effectual in size,  the deck-house mounted weapons could at least be used in most weathers  By April 1917 the ships had exchanged a 4-inch AA gun for a 3-inch gun.  The ships were fitted with Siemens' No. 3 Twin Mountings for 24-in projectors (searchlights). In 1914, these were to be modified to allow 90 degree of elevation for use with the ships 4" anti-aircraft defence. The 4-inch guns had a maximum elevation of +15° which allowed them a range of 11,400 yards (10,424 m), over which they fired a 31 pound (14.1 kg) shell at a muzzle velocity of 2,821 ft per second (860 m/s). The magazines carried 150 rounds per gun. Following the Battle of Jutland, when armour upgrades were undertaken throughout the British dreadnought fleet, alterations to the magazines capacities were need on the KGVs to achieve weight-savings in order to compensate for the added armour. Several separate sources state the magazine shell capacity for the 4-inch guns was reduced to 150 rounds per gun and 6 shrapnel rounds, which leads to me think, maybe no decrease in magazine capacity? In addition four 3-pounder (1.9 in (47 mm) saluting guns were also carried and by October 1914, a pair of QF 3-inch (76 mm) anti-aircraft (AA) guns had been installed on board each ship.  The ships were fitted with three 21-inch submerged torpedo tubes, one on each broadside (with a 10° bearing) and another in the stern, with 14 torpedoes carried.The broadside tubes forward were depressed by 2 degrees and were situated 14 feet,1.81 inches below the load waterline with the tube axis 2 feet, 1.18 inches above the deck. It's possible the torpedoes carried for use by the stern tube were reallocated sometime during, or after 1916, for the broadside tubes use. The stern torpedo tube was to be finally removed between 1917–1918. The torpedoes carried were the 21" Mk2 with a 515lb explosive charge of TNT. At 45 knots they offered  a range of 4,500 yards rising to nearly 11,000 yards at the lower speed of 30 knots.

During 1913 it had been decided that the KGV would  be part of a "twelve ship order"  authorizing a director along the lines of the original version developed for the Neptune. The work fitting the equipment to KGV was completed in Portsmouth sometime in 1914, prior to the start of the war,  with the addition of a light aloft tower above her spotting top. The "Twelve Ship Order" was to replace a prototype director in Thunderer with production gear, and to provide similar sets of equipment to Monarch, Benbow, Emperor of India, Marlborough, Iron Duke, King George V, Ajax (which received the first production set), Centurion, Audacious, Queen Mary and Tiger.

A "Seventeen Ship Order" followed which included  Orion, Colossus, Hercules, Neptune, St. Vincent, Collingwood, Bellerophon, Superb, Temeraire, Dreadnought, Lion, Princess Royal, Indefatigable, New Zealand, Invincible, Indomitable and Inflexible. The result of these two orders and the trial installations was that when the war started, eight dreadnoughts had been equipped with director firing for their main battery. The Neptune possibly still had her prototype gear from 1911, Thunderer with her director from 1912 possibly updated, Ajax from 1913, and Iron Duke, Marlborough, King George V, Centurion and Monarch from earlier in 1914. In early 1913 Sir Percy Scott had proposed to the First Lord of the Admiralty, Winston Churchill, that, "With a big effort we could have 12 of our Dreadnoughts fitted by the Autumn." Churchill was to declined Scott's plan.

The KGVs were among the first British dreadnoughts to receive the full suite of fire-control equipment that was to be used in the War. A 9-foot (2.7 m) 'Coincidence rangefinder'  (an un-stabilzed Barr and Stroud instrument in KGV and stabilized Argo unit in the other ships) was fitted to the roof of the conning tower, which then supplied data on the chosen target's speed and course information, to the control position for the main guns, located within the conning tower.  The information was then fed into a 'Dumaresq mechanical computer' and electrically forwarded to a 'Dreyer Fire-control Table' (the Mark III system in KGV and Mark II Tables in the others with an Argo range clock replacing the Dreyer-Elphinstone model in the Mark III) which was located within the transmitting station on the main deck. The relevant wind speed and course was also supplied to the transmitting station though either a voice-pioe or telephone. The fire-control table then 'crunched' all the supplied information and calculated an elevation and deflection for use by the turrets. The target's information was in addition recorded onto a plotting table, to aid the gunnery officer in calculating the movement of his target. A backup to the system was provided by two of the main turrets in each ship which could take over if it became necessary.

Whilst Ajax was being constructed, a 15-foot Barr and Stroud rangefinder (possibly an F.T. model) was supplied and installed within an armoured hood on top of her B turret.The surviving three ships of the class were to  eventually receive an up-graded set of rangefinders:
Two 18-ft rangefinders in turrets (seemingly, "B" and "X")
Three 9-ft rangefinders in the other turrets
One 9-ft in Gunnery control tower.
One 9-ft on forebridge
One 15-ft on top of Gunnery Control Tower.
One 15-ft on top of T.C.T.
An additional medium-base rangefinder was added sometime between 1916 and 1919 and fitted over the conning tower.

In 1917, it was decided that all the dreadnoughts built after and including the Dreadnought herself, should have 'Evershed' equipment added to their Conning towers, to enable them to communicate with either the fore top or the Gunner Control Tower. If the conning tower was unable to house the equipment, a bearing plate fitted with open sights and 6-power binoculars would be fitted to the tower in its place. At the same time, all directors were to be retrofitted with receivers and, "as far as possible", ships were to have fore top, Gunnery Control Tower and controlling turrets adapted to both transmit and receive, but it was also agreed that some earlier ships would be unable to house the equipment.

At some stage, all four ships were equipped with two Mechanical Aid-to-Spotter Mark Is, one on each side of the foretop, keyed off the Evershed rack on the director. Its most likely the fitting was post 1916, as the need for such gear was first identified in that year. It was also decided in 1917, that these should have a mechanical links from the director and pointers indicating the aloft Evershed's bearing.

The years immediately proceeding the war were to witness a rapid advancement in fire-controll technology advanced, and this steady development of director firing was a major advancement within the world's navy's. These advancements comprised of a fire-control director usually located high in the ships aft structure or mast,  which electrically provided elevation and training angles to the turrets via a pointer on a dial, which the turret crew then only had to follow. The guns were all fired simultaneously, which helped in the spotting of the shells splashes and also minimized the effects of the ships roll on the dispersion of the shells. The weight of the director and its enlarged spotting top proved to be more than the unsupported foremast could bear, and reinforcement was needed when the directors were installed in between 1913 and 1914 on the roof of the spotting top. The mast of KGV used flanges, but the other three ships in the class  were fitted with half-height tripod legs. The former ship's mast was then rebuilt into a full height tripod in 1918. Our available sources do not tell us if the Audacious was fitted with a director before her loss, but there is photographic evidence showing one visible unit as she was sinking.

By early 1914, the class (with the possible exception of KGV herself) had a voice-pipe installed between Transmitting Station and the Gunnery Control Tower, and July of the same year they received Pattern 556 Headpieces and Pattern 555 Receivers for their turret navy-phones. This brought them up to a standard established in the Ajax. By mid-1918, it was agreed to fit Pattern 3331 navy-phones with loud-sounding bells in the auxiliary machinery compartments of the Lion and Orion classes and later where existing navy-phones have been ineffective. The class had Service Gear Mark II wireless upon their completion. A slightly less important, but no doubt much appreciated, addition to the KGVs in October 1914, was the installation of eight Pattern 1582 Electric Radiators to warm cabins whose stoves could not be used for heating them.

The KGVs were fitted with a waterline belt made of Krupp cemented armour which was 12 inches (305 mm) in depth between the fore and rear barbettes. It narrowed to between 2.5 and 6 inches (64–152 mm) outside of the central armoured citadel, but did not extend to reach the bow or stern. The belt did extended over the side of the hull from 16 feet 10.5 inches (5.1 m) above the waterline to a depth of 3 feet 4 inches (1.0 m) below it.  Above this was a strake of 9-inch (229 mm) armour. The fore and aft oblique 10-inch (254 mm) bulkheads connected the waterline and upper armour belts to the 'A' and 'Y' barbettes. The exposed areas of the barbettes were fitted with armour 9 to 10 inches thick above the main deck that then thinned down to 3 to 7 inches (76–178 mm) below it. The gun turrets themselves had 11-inch (279 mm) faces and sides with 3- to 4-inch roofs. The guns in the forward superstructure were protected by armour 3–3.5 inches (76–89 mm) thick.

There were four armoured decks ranging in thickness from between 1 and 4 inches (25 to 102 mm) with the thicker areas outside the central armoured citadel. The conning towers front and sides were protected by 11-inch plates, but the roof was only 3 inches thick. The gunnery control tower located above and behind the conning tower had 4-inch sides and the torpedo-control tower aft had 6-inch sides with a 3-inch roof. Unlike the Orion's, the anti-torpedo bulkheads were to extend to cover the engine rooms, as well as the magazines with thicknesses ranging from 1 to 1.75 inches (25 to 44 mm). The boiler uptakes were protected by 1–1.5-inch (25–38 mm) armour plates. Following the Battle of Jutland the ships armour was upgraded by about 80 long tons (81 t) of additional deck armour. Around the same time as the 1916 armour upgrade, the KGV herself as fitted to tow kite balloons time. In 1918  one or two flying-off platforms were fitted aboard each of the ships and  these were located on turret roofs and extended over the gun barrels. KGV had her two platforms on 'B' and 'Q' turrets, Centurion on 'B' and 'X' turrets and Ajax had one on 'B'. On their completion the four ships had Service Gear Mark II wireless fitted.

SHIPS CAREERS.😎

Before we delve into the chronological history of our four heroines, a quick point. There will be a lot of mentioning of the Second Battle Squadron (2nd BS). The KGV's were an intrinsic part of the squadron for the entire duration of the war, and each time those three words appear, they are a 'cover-all' label for the class. When you read 2nd BS, please think, KGV, Ajax, Centurion, and all to briefly, Audacious. OK let us resume....

The King George V (KGV) originally was to have been borne the name, Royal George, but in 1910, to honour the reigning King of England, George V, it was changed. The KGV was (maybe obviously), the first ship of that name in the Royal Navy. The following class of dreadnoughts, the Iron Dukes, would bring the king a second named ship, the Emperor of India (the former Delhi). HMS Orion from the previous class had started her construction named as KGV, but her name was amended as she was constructed. KGV's Pendant Number in 1914 was '61', in January 1918  '77' and four months later in April,  '70'.

Both KGV and her sister ship Centurion's keels were laid down on the same day, 16th January 1911, at the HM Dockyard in Portsmouth. The KGV was launched on the 9th October of the same year. On the 16th November 1912, at a cost of £1,961,096 (2017=£217,277,032.87) she was commissioned into service and as her three sister ships would be, was assigned straight into the 2nd BS.  By the 18th February 1913 she had hoisted the squadrons commander, Vice-Admiral Sir George Warrender's, flag.

The Centurion (Pendant Number 12 (Aug 1914), 35 (Jan 1918), 83 (Apr 1918), was launched almost a month after the KGV on the 18th November 1911. Whilst in the process of being launched her hull was snatched by the wind and she was swung along side a cruiser moored nearby, crushing one of the cruiser's boats. Then on the night of the 9th and 10th December a wireless message was received in Devonport from the  Centurion, which had been undergoing her sea trials, stating that she believed she had struck and possibly sunk another vessel off the Portland Bill.  The unknown steamer was last seen falling behind the Centurion. The dreadnought hove two and for over two hours searched the area with her searchlights, but to no avail.   Centurion arrived in port the following afternoon and gave a full account of the little she knew about the accident. The bow of the navies newest dreadnought bore the evidence of the collision. The crew reported that the Centurion had been cruising down the channel at 19 to 20 knots when between 5:00 and 6:00 she saw the oncoming ships lights in the distance. The unknown ship made to cut across the dreadnoughts bows, when she was struck by 25,420 tonnes of naval steel on her starboard side. The force of the impact brought the members of the Centurions crew that were off duty rushing onto deck, but by that time there was no sign of the merchant ship, which had possibly rolled over and gone to the bottom. One of the merchants ships lights was found on Centurions bow deck.  Centurions bow was caved in, her anchors pushed into her plating and she had sprung a leak. But the crew stopped the waters entry with collision mats. A search was undertaken until daylight, but aside from a floating keg, nothing was found. One of Centurions crew reported seeing a merchant crewman make to leap from ship to ship, and clutch at Centurion's bows. But he lost his grip and dropped into the sea.

A ships boat was found later with a body in it and the name Derna on the boats planking. The S.S Derna, with a  crew of 36 was an Italian Cargo Steamer of 2,260 tons built in 1890. On the 10th December 1912 she had been on route from Meml (Lithuania) to Port Talbot in ballast and was sunk in the collision with Centurion, 10 miles off Anvil Point.

The Centurions was to be under repair until March 1913 and was finally commissioned in May of that year at a cost of £1,950,651(2017=£216,119,792.93). The newly commissioned Centurion received the President of France, Raymond Poincaré, one board at Spithead on 24 June 1913.

HMS Ajax, (named after the mythological hero), (Pendant Number: 40 (1914) 05 (Jan 1918) 46 (Apr 1918), was the fifth ship of the name in the Royal Navy. She was ordered under the 1910 construction programme and was laid down at the Scott's Shipbuilding & Engineering shipyard in Greenock on 27 February 1911. She slipped into the water on the 21st March 1912,  christened by the Duchess of Sutherland. Then underwent her sea trials during April 1913, running the 'dimensional mile' off Polperro between the 12th and 13th May. She made a series of four runs (with three-bladed screws). On the third run, Ajax achieved a total turbine output of 29,250 shp, with an average propeller speed of 337.5 rpm,  reaching a maximum speed of 21.225 knots. A year later she was completed at cost of £1,889,387,(2017= £209,332,129.23),  but was not to be commissioned until 31 October 1913, when she joined her sister ships in the 2nd BS.

HMS Audacious (Pendant Number 54 (1914), was the third ship of her name to serve in the Royal Navy, and was laid down at Cammel Laird's shipyard in Birkenhead on 23 March 1912. She was launched later that year on the 14th September and arrived at the Portsmouth base from Plymouth at the end of July 1913 in order to prepare for her gun and torpedo trials following a full power steam trial. She then departed port on the 4th August for the gun trials, with the torpedo trials expected the following day, after which she returned to Birkenhead. Audacious commissioned at Portsmouth on 21 October 1913 and went into service with the 2nd BS of the Home Fleets. She was built at a cost of £1,918,813, (2017=212,592,343.91).  

The Second Battle Squadron came into being on the 31st  May, 1912, and formed part of the Home Fleet's First Fleet. The squadrons Vice-Admiral, Sir John R. Jellicoe, was relieved by Vice-Admiral Sir George J. S. Warrender Bart, at the end of 1912. Then with the outbreak of the War, the First Fleet was designated as the Grand Fleet. At the end of 1915 Warrender hauled down his flag and was relieved in command by Sir T. H. Martyn Jerram, from of the China Station. Sir Martyn Jerram later refused to remain in command on Beatty becoming Commander-in-Chief of the Grand Fleet at the end of 1916, and he was replaced by Sir John M. de Robeck, who had been commanding the Third Battle Squadron.

In December 1912 the 2nd BS had comprised of the following vessels, King George V, Orion, Conqueror, Monarch, Thunderer, Hercules, Agamemnon and Lord Nelson. By December 1913 Hercules has been transferred to the 1st Battle Squadron, and the two pre-dreadnoughts have been reassigned to the 4th Battle Squadron. The squadron now comprised, King George V (V-Admiral), Orion (Admiral), Ajax, Audacious (newly joined), Centurion (newly joined),Conqueror (newly joined), Monarch and Thunderer.

All four of the KGVs represented Great Britain during the celebrations of the re-opening of the Kaiser Wilhelm Canal in Kiel, Germany. The event took place between the 23rd and 30th June 1914, and was held in conjunction with the annual Kiel Week. Princess Irene of Hesse and her sons visited the KGV on the 24 June, followed on the 25th by the Kaiser himself. An "at home" was held on board on the following day to which all the 'notables' of Kiel were invited, with Maude Warrender, the Admirals wife, acting as hostess. On 29 June, Warrender hosted a lunch for many of the senior admirals of the Imperial German Navy, including Großadmiral (Grand Admiral) Alfred von Tirpitz, and Admirals Friedrich von Ingenohl and Carl von Coerper.

With the deteriorating international situation in July, 1914, the squadron was now made up of King George V ( (V-Admiral), Orion  (R-Admiral), Ajax, Audacious, Centurion, Conqueror, Monarch, Thunderer. The scout cruiser Boadicea had been attached as had the repair ship Assistance. On the 18th July, the four KGVs were present for the  gathering of the Home Fleet, for a review off Spithead where no fewer than 59 warships were present for the occasion. This was followed by a test mobilisation as part of the British response to the 'July Crisis'. Afterwards, the fleet was ordered to make for  Scapa Flow in order to safeguard it from any surprise attacks by the Imperial German Navy. Following the British declaration of war on Germany on the 4th August, the Home Fleet was reformed as the Grand Fleet, and placed under the command of Admiral Jellicoe. The outbreak of the war saw the 2nd BS comprised of King George V  (V-Admiral), Orion  (R-Admiral), Ajax, Audacious, Centurion, Conqueror, Monarch and Thunderer, with the scout cruiser Boadicea attached. The Navy List gives this line up as remaining unchanged  through too at least January or maybe even February 1915, even with the loss of the Audacious at the end of October.

On 23 August 1914 Ajax's engineering crew reported having burned out a boiler and the Admiralty was asked to have Scott's of Greenock send both spares and 20 boilermakers to undertake the necessary repairs to Scapa. During the same month, whilst conducting training exercises, Ajax developed problems with one of her turrets and had to return to Scapa for further repairs. September was to see Audacious refitted at HM Dockyard, Devonport and she rejoined the Grand Fleet at the beginning of October. Likewise Ajax left Scapa early in October for a quick refit at Devonport. As Ajax steamed south for Devonport, Audacious steamed north for Scapa.

Soon after the start of the war Jellicoe decided in the face of repeated submarine reports that Scapa Flows defences were not up to the job of keeping The Grand Fleet secure, and ordered it's relocation, until the defences could be upgraded. The 2nd BS, as part of this temporary redeployment, was  dispatched to Loch na Keal on Scotland's west coast on 16th October 1914.

The Squadron sailed from its Mull anchorage on 26 October to undertake a firing practice session. They rendezvoused with the light cruiser Liverpool, and a number of tugs that were towing the days targets at 05:00 the following morning (27th) thirty miles Northwest of Tory Island, at Lat. 55° 45' N., Long. 8° 30' W.  At 08:45 the Squadron was steaming twenty miles north of the Island in a line ahead formation with Audacious being third ship in line. The Admiral ordered an 8 point turn to starboard in succession to bring the squadron onto the gunnery range, when Audacious struck a mine. The explosion was directly under the port engine room about 5 to 10 ft forward of the after transverse engine room bulkhead. There was however no water fountain which seems to imply the detonation was well under the ships hull.The crew had been heading to their battle practice stations at the time of the detonation, and many of the ships doors and watertight hatches were open, to speed the crews movements. It was claimed afterwards that all such openings had been shut before the seawater reached them.

The mine had been laid a few days earlier by the German auxiliary mine layer, the former liner, Berlin. The Berlin's Captain had been ordered to lay his mines off the entrance to the Clyde, but the presence of Royal Naval patrols forced him, on his own initiative, to rethink the proposed minefields location. He settled for placing his trap in an area where British ships where known to pass on route for America. As an aside on his return voyage, he, his crew and their ship were interned in Norway. The Berlin's Captain was  severely reprimanded for failing to follow his orders.  Given that Germany did learn of the Audacious sinking, I can only conclude they had yet to make the link with the Berlin's sortie prior to the issuing of the reprimand. I wonder if they ever retracted it?

The Audacious captain, the rather splendidly named  Cecil Dampier, ( I can not find any record of him having any sea commands post Audacious's loss, but he did rise to Rear Admiral with a series of shore commands), assumed the explosion was the result of the dreaded bogeyman, a U-boat, (It's worth bearing in mind here the all to recent loss for the Royal Navy, of three of it's cruisers (Aboukir, Cressy and Hogue) to a single U-boat recently in the North Sea. See an earlier post of mine, 'The Live Bait Squadron)). Captain Dampier, thinking that the ship had been attacked by a submarine, hoisted the submarine warning and the rest of the squadron steamed away from the possible danger. The remainder of the 2nd BSs dreadnoughts departed the area swiftly to avoid further loss, leaving their stricken sister ship with smaller ships to assist her.

The 'torpedo' had struck 16 feet under the ship's hull and 10 feet forward of the engine room and this lead to the immediate loss of the port engine room, along with the port auxiliary 'M/C', water tight compartments below and outside these rooms, and the "X" turret shell room. Audacious rapidly took on a 10 to 15° heel, but this was lessened to less than 9° by 09:45 with counter-flooding in the double bottom, starboard bunkers  and the compartments that were located between it and the breached hull.  HMS Liverpool circled the stricken dreadnought in case a submarine was still present, and the tugs which had been towing the targets, closed and stood by to offer any assistance.   Audacious had in the meantime broadcast distress signals by wireless, and Jellicoe on learning of the incident, ordered every available destroyer and tug out to assist, but he dare not send out a dreadnought to tow Audacious, due to the reported submarine peril. 

The flotilla was now joined, by the White Star liner Olympic, (sister to the Titanic), on route to the USA, and her passengers were to have a grandstand view of the unfolding saga, as their liner stood by to give assistance. Many of the passengers were Americans with cameras, which would both cause the British Admiralty headaches and leave history a pictorial record of the unfolding drama.  As they watched, Audacious settled lower in the water stern-first, her whaler and the accommodation ladder were dislodged, carrying away a number of mushroom tops from vents and damaging hatches, hastening the flooding.

The Audacious could at this stage make 9 knots with her starboard engine running at full power, and it was believed she should be capable of limping to the safety of the Irish coast, 25 miles off. Once there the dreadnought would be beached and her loss prevented. After two hour of steaming, 15 miles had been covered by the crawling flotilla. Then at 10:00 the seawaters finally flooded into the starboard and centre engine rooms bring Audacious to a stop. Dampier swung the head of his ship round to the sea and ordered all the non-essential crew to abandon ship via the boats sent from both the Liverpool and Olympic. The cruiser and liner assisted in the evacuation, taking all but 250 men off.

At 13:30 Captain Herbert Haddock, the captain of Olympic, offered to attempt to take the Audacious under tow. HMS Fury assisted in the line being passed 30 minutes later, and the ships began moving toward Lough Swilly, but Audacious was by this stage  unmanageable and the tow line parted. Liverpool now attempted to take the ship in tow, but despite their valiant efforts, the Liverpool's propellers fouled and severed the line. Next to try to tow the dreadnought was the collier SS Thornhill, newly on the scene. But the line snapped before any success could be made.

The next arrival on the scene was Vice-Admiral Sir Lewis Bayly, commander of the 1st Battle Squadron on board the ocean boarding vessel Cambria, and he had assumed command of the rescue operation. At 13:08 a message had arrived from the coastguard station at Mulroy advising that the steamer Manchester Commerce had been mined in the same area the day before. At 16:60 Malin Head reported that the sailing vessel Cardiff had also been mined the previous night. On learning of these sinkings Admiral Jellicoe realizing that the Audacious had in fact been mined and not the victim of a prowling U-boat, dispatched HMS Exmouth, a predreadnought, to attempt to take the  Audacious under tow.  At 17:00 Captain Dampier ordered all but 50 men to be recovered from his sinking command.

HMS Exmouth arrived on scene at 20:45, but at that moment the Audacious started to heel, then after a pause, she capsized. She remained in that situation until an explosion, the first of three successive explosions, ripped through the upturned hull, (at 21:00) throwing wreckage 300 feet into the air. It's speculated the first explosion was in the area of 'B' magazine where a shell or shells, possibly fell from the storage racking, which ignited the cordite in the magazine. The only fatality of the entire loss occurred here when Petty Office William Burgess, onboard the Liverpool was struck at 800 yards by a piece of debris from the explosions.

Jellicoe immediately tried to keep the loss a secret, which given the neutrals onboard the Olympic was a long shot. The British government were concerned the loss might have an impact on Turkeys choice of side in the war, plus Jellicoe was worried over the fluctuating military situation in Europe and encouraging a sortie by the High Seas fleet at the current time. It was hoped to retain the loss a secret for 7 to 10 days, and to this end the Olympic departure was 'delayed' for 3 days by the British. On her arrival in the US the news of the sinking was published in the press and the German's finally learnt of it 19th November 1914.

For the remainder of the war the Audacious remained listed as in service and the crew, before reassignment, were sworn to secrecy. The admiralty even constructed a fake Audacious over the hull of a merchant vessel. The loss was finally official admitted on 14th November 1918 in The  Times:
'H.M.S. Audacious. A Delayed Announcement. The Secretary of the Admiralty makes the following announcement. H.M.S. Audacious sank after striking a mine off the North Irish coast on October 27, 1914. This was kept secret at the urgent request of the Commander-in-Chief, Grand Fleet, and the Press loyally refrained from giving it any publicity'.

Lieutenant Thomas D. Galbraith (later Baron Strathclyde) later recorded his experience of the sinking:
When we had almost completed the turn the bridge shuddered … At that moment Captain Dampier came dashing up the bridge ladder in a great hurry and capless - as he came he asked who fired that gun. I answered no gun was fired and as I said it we were on our way to the standard compass - as we arrived there the ship suddenly rolled over to port with a rush at which the Captain said, "Close all watertight doors." That order I repeated though we were at action stations and I assumed they were already closed.

The Captain then ordered the signal bridge to hoist the signal: "I have received damage from mine or torpedo." At the same time he ordered me to bring the ship's head to the swell as with the sea more or less on our beam we were rolling some 15 degrees or so to Port then coming back slowly. It was a horrible feeling -one wondered if she were going to come back and felt a great desire to walk up to Starboard as she rolled to Port. The ship was perceptibly making less headway. Gradually we stopped and then one felt she was dying. Horrible feeling. All this time things were happening. Boats were being got ready for launching and the main derricks were getting ready to hoist out the boom boats and then the power failed and the main derrick took charge and as we rolled, kept swinging from side to side smashing into the superstructure, but was soon got under control again and lashed so it could not move. As the main engines had stopped it was obvious that we would have to be towed and all preparations were made to that end.

… All of a sudden, so it felt, an enormous liner came into sight - the Olympic and with her appearance four destroyers came in sight - the sun had appeared and coming towards us at full speed they really made a wonderful picture.' One of the destroyers took a 6-inch wire hawser to Olympic and, with several shackles of cable attached to it, Olympic attempted to get Audacious moving. The wind on Audacious's superstructure swung her round and the wire parted. Meanwhile, Audacious was being evacuated of all but the executive officers and forty seamen. Disembarkation was far from easy in the heavy swell. As dusk fell, Audacious wallowed deeply in the water, well down at the stern. Rafts had been constructed against the emergency of the ship foundering at night but it was then decided that all those still in the battleship would be taken off for the night to the destroyers and would return in the morning physically better able to secure hawsers to the tugs anticipated from Belfast.

I personally with the Torpedo and Gunnery Lieutenants stepped into a destroyer's whaler from the upper deck abreast 'Q' turret. All the other boats had gone but the Commander was still on board Audacious and in the dim light could be seen as he was wearing a white sweater, wandering round the upper deck. Guns hailed him several times but he paid no attention to them. Finally we shoved off and started rowing away still shouting to the Commander until eventually he came to the ship's side and we returned, took him off, and were taken to a destroyer".
Admiral Scheer commented post war, "In the case of the Audacious we approve of the English attitude of not revealing a weakness to the enemy, because accurate information about the other side's strength has a decisive effect on the decisions taken."

A Royal Navy enquiry decided that the loss of the Audacious was partly due to her not being at action stations, with water-tight doors locked and damage control teams ready when she struck the mine. That efforts were made to use the engine circulating pumps as additional bilge pumps, but the rapid rise of water made this unsuccessful. Hatches were open at the time of the mines impact, but it was claimed that all were closed before rising water reached them. Apart from the damage to the bottom of the ship, water was found to have spread through bulkheads due to faulty seals around pipes and valves, broken pipes and hatches which did not close properly. It's worth noting finally that HMS Marlborough, from the subsequent (but similar) Iron Duke class, was torpedoed at Jutland and managed for a time continued to steam at 17 knots despite her damaged hull.  One last thought. If the foreign press, the Central Powers, the Allies, and the Royal Navy's rumour mill knew of the loss, then the secrecy restrictions only hid it from the British Average man. So was the secrecy strategic or public morale based?

With the large amount of time the Grand Fleet was spending at sea, the latter months of 1914 were to see a number of the fleets dreadnoughts develop condenser defects, which would require the insulation of new tubes in order to resolve the problems. Both the Ajax and the KGV (having just returned from a dockyard refit) were among the vessels that developed the condenser defects.  KGV was intermittently withdrawn from fleet operations over the next several months while the condensers had their tubes replaced. The replacement was undertaken while the ships concerned remained at Scapa Flow. Civilian shipyards personnel were brought up to Scapa, where working with the fleets engineering personal they undertook the jobs. On the 12th December the work of re-tubbing the port condenser of the King George V was completed, but the starboard condenser was not taken in hand at that time, owing to the small margin of superiority of the Grand Fleet held over the High Sea Fleet at this stage. Finally in January 1915  work on the second condenser of the KGV was undertaken. While the the fleets flagship Iron Duke tubes were replaced,  Centurion deputized as  'deputy flag ship', and she was on standby in the event that the fleet had to sortie and the Duke was unable to sail. Centurion was to undertake the role several times during Jellicoe's tenure as C-in-C.

Between the 1 November 1914 and the 9th January 1916, whilst Ajax was in the dockyard or absent from the Grand Fleet, the interned German ocean liner SS Kronprinzessin Cecilie, now renamed as the HMS Princess, served as a dummy substitute for Ajax. After January 1916 she was taken in hand for a  conversion into an armed merchant cruiser. She was then to be  based in Loch Ewe, on the western coast of Scotland, and patrol in the Atlantic.

In December 1914 the British Admiralty's Room 40 intercepted and decrypted German radio signals which contained information on a planned German raid on Scarborough, Hartlepool and Whitby. The four battlecruisers of Konteradmiral (R-Admiral) von Hipper's Ist Scouting Group were ordered to undertake the raid, but the radio message intercepts did not mention that the High Seas Fleet with fourteen dreadnoughts and eight pre-dreadnoughts would support Hipper. The ships of both navy's sailed from their respective bases on the 15 December, with the British hoping to intercept the German ships as they headed back to Germany. Beatty's force compromised of the six dreadnoughts of the 2nd BS, including the three surviving KGVs, and four battlecruisers. Jellicoe had ordered the 2nd BS to sea, as it was then currently on guard duty and had the necessary steam up to get underway quickly. As the 2nd BS was departing Scapa Flow in the darkness, the Ajax collided with a trawler, but she suffered no significant damage. The two navies screening forces found each other during the dark early morning hours of 16 December. The Germans at first had the better of the exchange of fire, damaging several British destroyers, but Admiral von Ingenohl, commander of the High Seas Fleet, then ordered his ships to turn away, as he was worried about a massed attack by British destroyers as the sun came up.  A series of miscommunication and mistakes by the British allowed Hipper's ships to avoid an engagement with Beatty's forces.

The Grand Fleet  conducted gunnery drills between the 10th and 13th January 1915 west of the Orkneys and the Shetland Islands. On the evening of 23 January, the majority of the Grand Fleet sailed in support of Beatty's battlecruisers, but KGV and the rest of the fleet were not participate in the Battle of Dogger Bank that followed the next day. Between the 7th and 10th March, the Grand Fleet conducted another sweep in the northern North Sea, during which it conducted training manoeuvres. Another cruise followed between the  16th and 19th March. On 11 April, the Grand Fleet undertook a patrol in the central North Sea and returned to Scapa on 14 April. A further patrol in the area took place between the 17th and 19th April, followed by gunnery drills off the Shetlands between the 20th and 21st April.

March 1915 was to see the 2nd BS comprised of KGV (V-Admiral), Orion  (R-Admiral), Ajax, Centurion, Conqueror, Monarch and Thunderer. The scout cruiser Boadicea remained attached. But the following month was to witness changes, with the addition of a 15" gunned super-dreadnought. The squadron now comprised of KGV (V-Admiral), Orion (R-Admiral), Ajax, Centurion, Conqueror, Monarch, Thunderer, Warspite, with the  Boadicea still attached. But with October 1915 Warspite had been transfered to the newly-formed Fifth Battle Squadron with two of her sisters, leaving King George V (V-Admiral), Orion (R-Admiral), Ajax, Centurion, Conqueror,  Monarch, Thunderer and Boadicea to form the squadron.  This shorthanded Squadron line-up would last just one month.

The Grand Fleet conducted further sweeps into the central North Sea between the 17th and 19th May, as well as 29th to 31st May, but without encountering any German ships. The fleet then conducted both gunnery practice and battle exercises west of the Shetlands between the 11th and 14th June, with further training off the Shetlands beginning on 11 July. The 2nd August saw the 2nd BS conduct gunnery practice in the Moray Firth before returning to Scapa Flow. Between the 2nd and 5th September, the fleet sortied to the northern end of the North Sea and conducted gunnery practice there. September was to witness the Grand Fleet undertake numerous training exercises. Another sweep into the North Sea for the Grand Fleet took place between the 13th and 15th October. Three weeks later, Ajax was part of another fleet training operation west of Orkney (2 to 5 November) and further exercises with the new month.
The 2nd BS in November 1915 saw HMS Erin transfered from Fourth Battle Squadron to bring the strength squadron back up to eight dreadnoughts. The squadron now comprised of King George V (V-Admiral), Orion (R-Admiral), Ajax,  Centurion, Conqueror, Monarch, Thunderer, Erin and the every faithful Boadicea. This new line-up would last through the Battle of Jutland and carry in until February or March, 1917.

In response to a German attack on British light forces near Dogger Bank on 10 February 1916 the Grand Fleet sailed from Scapa. But the fleet was recalled on the 12th when it was discovered that there were no German ships larger than a destroyer involved. The 26th February saw the fleet sail on a sweep into the North Sea. Jellicoe had planned to make use of the Harwich Force to sweep the Heligoland Bight, but bad weather was to prevent southern North Sea operations. Instead the operation was to be confined to the northern end of the North Sea.  Yet another sweep began on 6 March, but bad weather forced its cancellation the following day, when the escorting destroyers were unable to cope with the seas. On the night of 25 March, the 2nd BS and the rest of the fleet sailed from Scapa Flow in order to give distant support to Beatty's battlecruisers and the other British light forces raiding the German Zeppelin base at Tondern. But by the time the Grand Fleet arrived on the scene on 26 March, the British and German forces had already disengaged and a strong gale threatened the light craft, so the fleet was ordered to return its to bases.  The Grand Fleet conducted a demonstration off Horns Reef on the 21st April to draw German eyes away, while the Imperial Russian Navy relaid its defensive minefields in the Baltic Sea. The fleet returned to Scapa Flow on 24 April and re-coaled before sailing once more southward in response to intelligence reports from Room 40, that the Germans were about to launch a raid on Lowestoft, but the fleet only arrived in the area after the Germans had withdrawn. On 2 to 4 May, the fleet conducted another sweep off Horns Reef to keep German eyes  focused on the North Sea.

Admiral Scheer planned another raid on the east coast (Sunderland) in May 1916. The German plan remained to lure out a portion of the Grand Fleet and then to destroy it. The German High Seas Fleet sortied from the Jade Bight early on the morning of the 31st May 1916 in support of Hipper's 1st Scouting Group, which were to be be offered as the  bait. Room 40 duly intercepted and decrypted the German radio traffic containing plans of the operation, and the Admiralty ordered the Grand Fleet to sail the night before, in an attempt to cut off and finally destroy the High Seas Fleet.
I need here to cover the question of the 2nd BS and it's relocation to Cromarty. Sometime prior to Jutland, Jellicoe moved the ships over a hundred miles south and stationed them at the Scottish port. By this stage of the war Cromarty had a dry dock that had been transferred from Portsmouth and was regularly undertaking maintenance of the Grand Fleets battle units. It was or had become a major port, so the supporting of a battle squadron was of no hardship for it. But there is the strategic question of why the transfer. Jellicoe in his 'The Grand Fleet 1914-1916' gives no explanation and every other respectable source I've read similarly gives no explanation. I've enquired amongst the knowledgeable members of the Facebook forums and likewise, no one can be definitive. Consensus amongst the forums and the sources is that the move was based on a strategic counter to Hipper's east coast raids. But Cromarty is still many hours steaming from Hipper's targets. I offer the following as the best reasoning I can establish. Jellicoe transfered the 2nd BS south to offer distant support to Beatty in countering Hipper's raids. But he choose Cromarty to enable it to both remain part of the Grand Fleet when he took it out into the North Sea, and to provide a back up to Beatty, but without surrendering the control of it to the flawed (my opinion) Admiral. As to the date, pre-31st May 1916.......

On the 31st May the 2nd BS sailed from its Cromarty Base in Scotland and rendezvoused that morning with the Grand Fleet at 11:15. With his Grand Fleet now united Jellicoe organised the dreadnoughts of the fleet into a steaming  formation of parallel columns of divisions, containing four dreadnoughts each. The two divisions that comprised the 2nd BS were on his left, (or east side). The 4th Battle Squadron formed the centre and the 1st Battle Squadron was on the right, (or west side). When the time came for Jellicoe to order the Grand Fleet to deploy into a line of battle, he ordered it to the left and to form a line astern ready to meet with the High Seas Fleet, The 2nd BS now sat at the head of the British line of battle. The Squadron on that gray day comprised of the first and second divisions of the Battle Fleet. Leading the fleets 24 dreadnoughts the squadron took up  the following order: King George V, (Captain Field (Vice-Admiral Jerram)), Ajax, (Captain Baird), Centurion, (Captain Culme-Seymour), Erin, (Captain Stanley), Orion, (Captain Backhouse) (Rear-Admiral Leveson)), Monarch, (Captain Borrett), Conqueror, (Captain Tothill) and Thunderer, (Captain Fergusson).

The three KGVs managed to briefly engage Hipper's battlecruisers with a few salvos early in the battle, but the manoeuvres of their escorting light cruisers was to block their view of the German ships at various times. With a combination of poor visibility caused by the smoke and mist, none of the KGVs managed to fire more than 19 rounds from their main batteries. Due to the 2nd BS being on the eastern end of Jellicoe's battle line and thus being furthest out from the action they achieved little at Jutland with the enemy fleet largely being obscured. Ajax first came to action a little after 19:00 with the German 1st Scouting group, which appeared through the mist and smoke and the Ajax was most likely the first ship to open fire with a single salvo of Common Percussion capped shells at 18,700 yards. This salvo fell short and an increase of 1,000 yards was ordered, but the 4th light Cruiser squadron now obscured the target and Ajax's fire was checked. This was to effectively be the end of the action for the Ajax, although taking part in the pursuit of the German High Seas fleet as it now fled south she did not engage another target. She had not used her 4” batteries at all. There is a single source that claims Ajax was hit several times by German shells and hot flying shrapnel seriously wounding several sailors. The source states there were 'officially' no casualties in the ship as all the wounded bravely stayed at their posts having been bandaged up by other crew members and the medical teams. But the voice is lone one in the wilderness and I place a large question mark over its validity as no major source, Marder or Jellicoe for example, give any credence to the claim.   

A reliable 'first' source of the battle that day was Ajax's ships captain's report, (who makes no mention of damage received):
From—The Commanding Officer, H.M.S. "Ajax."
Date—Second June, 1916. No. CR. 118/11.
To—The Vice-Admiral Commanding 2nd BS.
Former—V.A. Second B.S. Signal (1815) of 2.6.16.

REMARKS ON ACTION OF 31st MAY, 1916.
H.M.S. " AJAX."

With reference to your signal (1815) of to-day, Friday, I have practically nothing to report. Until shortly after 7.0 p.m. the enemy were not seen, due to smoke and funnel gas of ships proceeding to the head of the line.

2. Shortly after 7.0 p.m.[3] a clearer view was obtained, and one salvo was fired at an enemy battle-cruiser at 19,000 yards. This fell short.

3. The 4th Light Cruiser Squadron then crossed the line of sight proceeding to attack, and again obscured the view, so I ordered cease firing.

4. After that nothing was seen but patches of dense smoke at too far a distance for any hope of effective fire..

5. It appeared to me that each enemy ship was accompanied by a Destroyer which emitted dense volumes of smoke with the idea of obscuring the target.

GEO. H. BAIRD,
Captain.

King George V led the battle line after its deployment into line. She fired two salvoes for a total of nine common pointed, capped shells at the battlecruiser SMS Derfflinger about 19:17, but then had to turn away at 19:22 to avoid an attack by destroyers and then once again turn to avoid the ships of the 1st Light Cruiser and Second Cruiser Squadrons. That was the only time that the ship fired her guns during the battle.

Centurion, was the third ship from the head of the battle line following deployment. The ship only saw limited action on the day, firing four salvos (totalling 19 armour-piercing shells) at the battlecruiser SMS Lützow at 19:16, before Orion blocked her view. Centurions salvos missed the intended target. The ships Doctor, Dr Gladstone’s diary describes the ships role in the battle that day:
“As usual, nothing whatever was said as to the proposed plan of operation, the utmost secrecy was observed…” He, with other officers, had had to evacuate their cabin in order to allow all the watertight compartments of the ship to be sealed up. He slung a hammock on the half deck in order to try and obtain some rest. At around 9pm on May 30th the squadron put to sea. He writes:

“There had been so many similar sweeps in the North Sea that the possibility of meeting the enemy never really excited us; in fact, if the question had been raised, it would have excited a good deal of derision. This state of mind was both dangerous and foolish but it is only human nature to become casual about matters that are of everyday occurrence.”

Gladstone assisted the Fleet Surgeon who was in command of the forward dressing station, which was intended for first aid and any urgent operations. The morning of 31st is noted by Gladstone as "perfectly peaceful" but then the signal came from the fleets flagship sending everyone to their action stations.

“We were flying no less than three White Ensigns so as to give the other ships an easier chance of distinguishing us from the enemy.” The Centurion later passed the wreckage of a ship, and the assumption was that it was a German ship or Zeppelin. “Our Captain, who had been in command of  the Invincible before coming to us, was convinced that it was the stern of his old ship, but nobody was inclined to believe him and everybody was so convinced that the Germans were incapable of sinking one of our best ships.”
Gladstone wrote of the 1st June; "It was not until the next day when the newspapers came on board that we fully grasped the fact that there had been a major naval battle and that our casualties in ships and men had been very heavy.” 

We also have notes made that day on board the KGV:
"Battle-fleet was in divisions in line ahead columns disposed abeam to starboard, 8 cables apart, steering S. 50 E.
31st May, p.m.
2.24. Signal received from "Galatea" 2 cruisers probably hostile, in sight (56-48 N., 5—26 E.) Bearing E.S.E. stopped, later report course of enemy S.S.E. chased at 2.38 p.m. (1420 and 1422.)
2.40. "Galatea" reported a large quantity of smoke bearing E.N.E. (56.50 N., 5.27 E.). Speed of fleet, 17 knots. (1435.)
2.45. Guides of columns ordered to bear N.E. by N.
2.52. 18 knots.
3.00. Altered course, leaders together, to S.E. by S. "Galatea" reported smoke appeared to be from 7 vessels — Destroyers and cruisers steering North 56.52 N., 5.38 E. (1450.)
3.07. S.O. 3rd L.C.S. reported 3 cruisers bearing E. steering N.56,-59N.,5.33E. (1500.)
3.08. Cruisers took up cruising disposition No. 1.
3.13. S.O. 1st L.C.S. reported enemy altered course to N.W. Columns opened to 1°. (1507.)
3.17. 19 knots.
3.25. "Nottingham" reported sighting 5 columns of smoke bearing E.N.E., 56.46 N., 5.20 E. (1522.)
3.40. S.O. B.C.F. reported 5 Battle Cruisers and large number of destroyers bearing N.E., 56.53 N., 5.35 E. Course of enemy, S.E. (1535.)
3.50. S.O. B.C.F. reported course of enemy S. 55 E.
3.55. 20 knots.
3.57. S.O. B.C.F. reported that he was engaging the enemy (56.53 N., 5.40 E.) ; it was later ascertained that 5th B.S. were also engaging the enemy. (1550.)
4.40. S.O. Second L.C.S. reported having sighted enemy battle-fleet bearing S.E. course North, 56.34 N., 6.26 E. (1636.)
4.46. Enemy Battle-fleet course reported to be E.N.E. (Single line ahead.) (1630.)
4.55. Enemy battle fleet course reported to be North.
5.16. S.O. B.C.F. reported sighting enemy's battle fleet bearing S.E. (56.36 N., 6,9 E.)
5.40. Observed cruisers in action. (1645.)
5.45. Second L.C.S. reported enemy's battle fleet altered course N.N.W. (1740.)
5.54. Second L.C.S. reported enemy's battle fleet altered course N. (1750.)
6.02. Altered course leaders together, remainder in succession to South, 19 knots.
6.06. Altered course leaders together rest in succession to S.E.
6.13. Equal speed S.E. by E.
6.20. Reduced to 14 knots.
6.26. Altered course to port.
6.32. Increased to 17 knots, battleships in rear opened fire. Ship bearing S.E. blew up ; it is not known what this vessel was, but it was thought to be an enemy light cruiser; also passed shortly after this "Acasta" badly damaged, placing collision mat, and another destroyer apparently with disabled engines. One of our four-funnelled cruisers observed to be heavily hit.
6.51. "King George V." had to alter course to starboard to avoid collision with 4th L.C.S. in the van.
6.56. Altered course to South. This was done just previous to a signal being made.
7.02. "Marlborough" reported being hit by a torpedo. Altered course 3 points to starboard.
7.09. Course South.
7.12. Second B.S. ordered to take station ahead.
7.17. "King George V." opened fire on leading enemy ship; range on sights 12,800 yards, salvo fell short. Remainder of Second B.S. had opened fire shortly before. Target ship was either leading German battleship or "Lützow" class battle cruiser with three destroyers on engaged side making a heavy smoke screen.
7.20. Altered course 4 points to port together by signal.
7.22. Target obscured by smoke screen and haze; ceased fire.
7.27. "King George V." had to alter course to starboard to avert collision with light craft in the van. "Duke of Edinburgh" much in the way and making a lot of smoke.
7.42. Formed single line ahead on "Iron Duke".
8.26. Second L.C.S. reported they were engaging enemy cruisers, 56.47 N., 5.56 E. (2020.)
8.52. 3rd L.C.S. reported Battle Cruisers probably hostile bearing N. steering W.S.W., 56.42 N., 5.41 E. (2045.)
8.56. "Warrior" reported both engines disabled and in tow of "Engadine"',' 56.10 N., 5.50 E. (2103.)
9.03. Course South.
9.03. Second L.C.S. reported being attacked by enemy destroyers from the West; these were driven off to N.W. (2055.)
9.07. "Caroline" made signal "Attack with Whitehead torpedoes." V.A. II made "Negative attack, these ships are our battle cruisers." "Caroline" then made "These appear to be enemy ships." V.A. II replied "If you are quite sure, attack." "Caroline" was about six points on the starboard bow, about 1-2 miles distant, but was not seen to attack
9.11. Sighted our Battle cruisers bearing W.N.W. steering S.W.
10.30. Assumed second organization, divisions in line ahead, course South, columns 1 mile apart, destroyers astern of battle fleet 5 miles.
10.45. Eleventh flotilla reported having been engaged with enemy cruisers. (2240.)
11.36. "Birmingham" reported battle cruisers, probably hostile, bearing N.E. steering South, 56.26 N., 5.46 E.
11.40. Second L.C.S. reported engaged with enemy cruisers, 10.15p.m. (2240.)
June, a.m.

3.47. 3rd L.C.S. reported engaging Zeppelin (0335.)
3.57. Battle fleet opened fire on Zeppelin.
4.30. "Dublin" reported one cruiser and two destroyers, probably hostile, bearing East, course South. (0430.)
4.47. Ordered to look out for "Lützow", damaged (ahead).
8.55. "Castor" and eleventh flotilla joined up.
9.0 Informed C.-in-C. we had passed wreckage of foreign origin at 7 a.m. and of obviously English origin at 8.45 a.m.

Captain Robert Lionel Brooke Cunliffe who served on board H.M.S. King George V during the battle wrote a two page recollection of the battle in 1982. The following is from page two;

"......Jutland, although we were the leading Battleship we were farthest away from the enemy. I had a fairly good view of the proceeding from my turret but hadn't much idea what was going on. We saw the 2 halves of the Invincible sticking out of the water & I thought it was a Zeppelin that had been shot down and told my turrets crew so. At 8.45 P.M. we sighted 3 Battleships. I was asked if I could identify them; Being at a lower level from the spotting officer up the mast. I said I [was] certain they were German as I could see their cranes which were a distinctive feature of German ships also I was well versed in Ship Identification. However my opinion was not accepted & we missed a great opportunity as they were the leading ships of the German 1st Squadron & only 10,000 yards away.
We were, of course, up all night watching the fireworks going on astern of us — our destroyers & the German Fleet....."

All three KGVs returned to port on the 1st June, and having refuelled and rearmed were fit for action once more.

Before we conclude and move on, a brief mention of the squadrons scout cruiser's HMS Boadicea day. She was assigned to a position at the rear of the squadron and did not fire her guns during the battle. She did spot the German fleet during the night after the battle, but her report was not passed to Jellicoe, for fear of giving away the position of the Grand Fleet.
A final insight into Jutland:
GRAND FLEET
1st and 2nd BCS Shells fired:1469 Hits:21         Accuracy:1.43%
3rd BCS              Shells fired: 373 Hits:16         Accuracy:4.39%
5th BS                          Shells fired:1099      Hits:29        Accuracy: 2.64%
2nd, 4th, 1st BS Shells fired:1593 Hits:57        Accuracy:3.70%
Total                            Shells fired:4534   Hits:123     Accuracy:2.71%

HIGH SEAS FLEET
1st Scouting Group Shells Fired:1670 Hits:65        Accuracy:3.89%
Battleships              Shells Fired:1927 Hits:57        Accuracy:2.96%
Total                          Shells fired:3597 Hits:122     Accuracy:3.39%

On the 18th August, while the Centurion was in dock, the Grand Fleet sailed once more in an attempt to meet the High Seas Fleet in battle, which was at sea in an effort to repeat the Sunderland plan once more. As the German forces sailed into the southern North Sea an unfortunate series of missed communications and mistakes were to prevent Jellicoe from intercepting the German fleet, before it returned to its bases. Two light cruisers were sunk in the process by U-boats during the operation, which resulted in Jellicoe issuing an order that prevented the Grand Fleet from sailing south of 55° 30' North due to the threat of German submarines and mines. The Admiralty agreed with Jellicoe's order and stipulated that the Grand Fleet was not sortie unless the German fleet was attempting an invasion of Britain or there was a strong possibility it could be forced into an engagement under conditions favorable to the Allies.

In November 1916 Monarch assumed the role of second flag within the 2nd BS, maybe implying that Orion, from whom she took the role, was under refit? The squadron was still home to the three KGV's and took the following shape as 1916 drew to its close,  King George V  (V-Admiral),  Orion, Ajax, Centurion, Conqueror, Monarch  (R-Admiral), Thunderer, Erin and the attached cruiser, Boadicea. But with December Orion had resumed her role as rear admirals ship, and this format of the 2nd BS would survive through until February or March 1917. With 1917 Agincourt was transfered into the 2nd BS, raising the units strength to nine dreadnoughts. In August 1917 Blanche was transferred from the Fifth Battle Squadron in order to help Boadicea with her screening duties. October 1917 was to see the scout cruiser Bellona join the squadron from the First Battle Squadron in order to replace Boadicea, which had been despatched south to have mine rails fitted, and Blanche was transfered back to the Fifth Battle Squadron. January of the new year saw Ajax assumed the temporary role of squadron flagship, implying maybe that KGV was absent on a refit? But by March KGV has resumed her role as squadron flagship. The squadrons shape would now remain unchanged until the wars end, changing only when the squadron started to shrink through demobilization.

On the afternoon of the 23rd August 1918, the 2nd BS, in company with the rest of the Grand Fleet, sailed following radio interceptions by Room 40, revealing that the High Seas Fleet was at sea after it had failed in an attempt to intercept the regular British convoy to Norway. But the Germans were too far ahead of the British to be caught, and the Germans returned to German unscathed. The three KGVs were to be present at Rosyth, Scotland, when the German fleet surrendered there on 21 November.

With the Armistice the three surviving KGVs remained as part of the 2nd BS early into 1919. In February of that year the squadron was to be reduced by the transfer by three of its number, when Ajax and Centurion were sent to the reserve Fleet in Portsmouth, and Agincourt to Rosyth. March was to see the two KGVs  moved on to Devonport, where they joined their ex squadron-mate, the cruiser Bellona. The much depleted 2nd BS now comprised King George V (V-Admiral), Orion  (R-Admiral), Conqueror, Erin, Monarch and Thunderer, a shape it would retain until April  of that year. KGV was to remain as part of the 2nd BS until the 1st March and by the 1st May she had been transfered to the 3rd BS where she was serving as the flagship for Vice-Admiral Sir Oliver Henry, commanding both the Home Fleet and the squadron, a role, he had assumed on the 22nd March. The months of May to at least July were to see Ajax and Centurion on an undefined "miscellaneous service".  In June Ajax was transferred to the 4th BS, which formed part of the Mediterranean Fleet and by the 18 July  she was undergoing a refit in Malta. Then on the 1st November the 3rd BS was disband and KGV was, like her sisters had been, transferred to the Reserve Fleet at Portsmouth. She remained Oliver's flagship, although he was now commander of the Reserve Fleet. By the 18th December Centurion had been assigned to the 4th Battle Squadron and transfered out to the Mediterranean Fleet.

In early February 1920, Ajax assisted in the evacuation of Odessa in southern Russia, and on the 12th she returned to Constantinople. Centurion was temporarily placed in reserve in March,  and Vice-Admiral Sir John de Robeck, Commander-in-chief of the Mediterranean Fleet, was to raise his flag on board Ajax on the 18 April. Ajax then sailed to the Caucasus in order for the Admiral to investigate the situation there as the Bolsheviks continued their steady advance southward. Two days after her arrival, Ajax briefly bombarded the Bolshevik positions near Sochi before arriving back at Constantinople on 25 April. At the beginning of June, Ajax was once more in the Crimea, this time Sevastopol, although she was in Batumi, Georgia, by 22 June, where she was to remain until 9 July in order to cover the evacuation of the city by the White Russian forces. Centurion was recommissioned on 8 August and  once more fully crewed as part of the Mediterranean fleet based in Malta, but she was to spend a lot of her time in reserve at Malta. On the 14th September  back in England the KGV was relieved by Orion as Reserve fleet flagship and began a refit in preparation for her assignment to the 4th Battle Squadron of the Mediterranean Fleet.  KGV was to recommissioned, post refit, on 31 October and sailed out to the Mediterranean. During the Allied intervention in the Russian Civil War, she participated in an exchange of prisoners of war with the victorious Bolsheviks in Georgia between October and November. After the destroyer Tobago had struck a mine near Trebizond on 12 November, Centurions towed her from Constantinople to Malta for permanent repairs.

In February 1921, in company with the Benbow and several destroyers, KGV conducted training exercises in the Sea of Marmara. Vice-Admiral De Robeck once more hoisted his flag in Ajax in February as she sailed between Malta to Smyrna, Turkey, Constantinople, and Lemnos, after which the ship returned to Malta before the end of the month. In April Centurion was again reduced into reserve, probably in England but the location is only speculation based on her  recommissioning location in 1922

Centurion, re-commissioned at Portsmouth on 24 April, 1922 and then went onto to serve for a brief time once more as flagship of Vice-Admiral Commanding, Reserve Fleet. She is again recorded as recommissioning on 1 August,  before the Chanak Crisis, when a war scare between England and Turkey arose in September. During the Crisis in September the Mediterranean fleet sailed to Smyrna and on the night of the 2/3 September  while the fleet was passing between Mytilene and the Turkish mainland, KGV struck an uncharted rock that flooded one of her boiler rooms. The Rear-Admiral of the squadron was forced to transfer his flag to Marlborough and KGV transfered some of her crew to bring the Marlborough up to full strength at Smyrna, Turkey. KGV, Ajax were all in port during the Great Fire of Smyrna in mid-September. KGV evacuated 130 refugees to Malta on 16 September as she sailed there for permanent repairs from her rock encounter. After the Armistice of Mudanya (October ) ended the crisis, Ajax sailed to Malta for a refit.

In January 1923, KGV returned home and took on the role of a gunnery training ship based at Devonport.In November KGV was relieved of her gunnery role and was reduced into the reserve. She was then assigned to the training establishment HMS Impregnable. When the last Sultan of the Ottoman Empire, Abdulmejid II, was deposed in 1923, he boarded Ajax for his journey to exile in Mecca.

Upon Centurion's return home in April 1924, she became the flagship of the Reserve Fleet at Portsmouth, and likewise Ajax returned to Devonport in April and was placed into reserve. Centurion, and most likely her sister ships, participated in a fleet review off Torbay on 26 July. Centurion was transferred to Chatham Dockyard at the end of the year and remained there through 1925.

On 28 September 1926, KGV was taken out of service and listed for disposal on 1 December to meet the tonnage limitations of the Washington Naval Treaty. Later that month, King George V was sold to the Alloa Shipbreaking Company and arrived at Rosyth on 27 January 1927 to be broken up. Ajax was also finally was paid off and placed on the disposal list in October 1926 to meet the tonnage limitations of the Washington Naval Treaty. On 10 December, Ajax was sold to the Alloa Shipbreaking Company and arrived at Rosyth four days later to be broken up.

In April 1926, Centurion was selected to replaced the elderly pre-dreadnought Agamemnon as the fleet's radio-controlled target ship for use by ships with guns up to 8 inches (203 mm). The British tonnage allowance within the Washington Naval Treaty permitted the three KGVs to be retained in service until the two Nelson class battleship were completed in 1927. The conversion cost £358,088 (2017=£21,159,405.60) and work was begun on 14 April at the Chatham Dockyard, being completed in July 1927 when she undertook her sea trials. Centurion was re-commissioned at Portsmouth on 8 November.

All of her 'small-fittings' (whatever that means) were removed, her boilers were converted to use diesel fuel instead of coal to help with her radio controlled and numerous radio antennas were added for use by the destroyer Shikari, her controlling ship. Centurion could now only steam at speeds of 16 knots for three hours. Her gun turrets were removed shortly afterwards and some of her now redundant coal bunkers were filled with rocks to compensate for the loss of the turrets weight. Her draught was now increased from 27½ feet to 31 feet 3 inches (9.5 m) which reduced the chances of any steeply diving shells fired at maximum range penetrating below the armour belt. The tops of the engineering spaces were covered with armour plating, and all her un-armoured spaces below decks were filled with cork to increase buoyancy. Short-range wireless receiving and transmitting sets were installed along with eleven separate aerials. Instructions were passed from Shikari by a standard telephone using combinations of numbers. Her complement of officers was reduced but she still required 242 ratings to oversee the ship. During 'action' the crew would remain in a mess-deck below the waterline, where the chance of being hit was minimal. A second source states that the crew would sailed her to the firing range and them disembarked. I know which choice I prefer....

Her spotting top was removed by 22 September 1930 and she was laid up in 1931 to reduce costs, being decommissioned at Portsmouth on 30 January 1932. The ship then  recommissioned in 1933 for use by the Atlantic Fleet on 1 June following her forward superstructure being remove and her funnels were shortened in preparation for aircraft bombing trials. Which leaves me wondering why foreshortened funnels are required for arial bombardment? September 1933 saw her used in September for trials with dive bombers, which made 19 hits out of 48 bombs dropped, a much higher rate than level bombing from medium or high altitudes. Between November 1934 and January 1935 Centurion was in dockyard hands being repaired from the damage inflicted by the fleet.

With the arrival of WW2 when real targets were readily available she became a supply ship for trawlers and minesweepers. In 1940, while serving as a repair ship at Devonport,  it was suggested that in common with other WW1 surviving warships Centurion, should be equipped as an anti-aircraft cruiser for the Norwegian campaign. But before this could be ordered, Norway and France fell to the Germans. In preparation for the invasion, she was equipped with a number of small calibre weapons. But as the threat of invasion deminished and the Royal Navy suffered greater and greater losses in the Mediterranean, Winston Churchill suggested that a heavy naval bombardment of the Libyan city of Tripoli should be undertaken by the Mediterranean Fleet and then followed up by blocking the port with a battleship. The Admiralty suggested Barham and a cruiser, but Admiral Andrew Cunningham, the commander of the Mediterranean Fleet, rejected the plan of using one of his active battleships and suggested Centurion be made use of instead, and she be converted into a blockship. But after consideration, Cunningham figured the chance of success as one in ten, due to the difficulties of "wedging herself in exactly the right position within point blank range of the enemy guns with enemy dive bombers overhead." Instead Centurion, the former super-dreadnought became a pretend battleship or a decoy, being converted in Portsmouth to look like HMS Anson. From a distance she looked like the real thing, but close up she looked like what she was, an elderly (humiliated) former warship now reduced to being fitted with a wood and canvas mock-up of guns and deck houses. She was fitted with three 14" gun turrets, all made of wood and canvas, which from a distance, looked realistic. Her secondary armament comprised of 6" inch guns painted on the side of the dummy hanger. Her 'real'  armament was just four single 2 pounder Pom-Poms and four 20mm Oerlikons. The  'Libya' plan had also required the unused main magazines being were converted to extra bunker tanks to give her the needed greater range.

On Saturday 26th April 1941 with a crew of 283 the fake HMS Anson was commissioned and sailed from Plymouth on the 4th May to Loch Long. Once there she joined  a Westbound Atlantic convoy supposedly bound for Canada, being part of a decoy mission. But when well out into the Atlantic she turned south sailing via Gibraltar, Freetown, Capetown , Durban Mombassa, Aden to refuel and replenish stores enroute. At Gibraltar, so as to hide the fact that she was a fake 'Anson', she awaited for night out at sea, before slipping in, replenishing and being back out at sea by dawn. On route to Freetown in West Africa, her escort of four corvettes failed to arrive and she was forced to sail on alone. About twelve hours out from port, the crew of the S.S. Colonial which had been torpedoed the previous night were rescued from their lifeboats. As soon as the last men left the lifeboats, two big sharks which had been with them, jumped out of the water and capsized the boats. The ‘Centurion’ was particularly vulnerable when hove-to picking up the survivors as the only armaments she had were four single Pom-Poms, (two pounders) and four Oerlikons (20 millimeter), neither any real defence against aircraft or submarine, but Freetown was reached on 27th May. Nine days later as she was leaving port her the steering gear broke down and she gently rammed a liner, fortunately causing little damage. The same day an air raid took place and her guns fired in anger for the first time. Two days later, with the steering gear repaired, she left Freetown bound for St Helena in the South Atlantic, reaching the remote island on 12th June. She left the same day and reaching Capetown on 18th June. As at Gibraltar, she lay off-shore until dark, entered harbour took on stores and fuel and left again before daylight. Whilst on route, a report was received of an armed German raider operating within the area. The anti-flash guards were removed from the Pom-Pom guns so that a bigger flash would be seen if it was necessary to use them. But would a raider captain have hung around as 'Anson' came over the horizon?  Unsurprisingly, the raider did not make an appearance. As Centurion lined up to enter Durban harbour, the steering gear once again broke down and she brushed the wall of the narrow entrance as she went through. After a day and a half of repairs, she set out once again and reached Mombassa on 29th June. She sailed the following day reaching Aden on 6th July. She sailed from Aden the next day and a course set through the Red Sea for Port Tewfick arriving there on Saturday 14th July, only to be greeted with an air raid. Later on the Sunday afternoon, Centurion sailed into the Suez Canal to Kabret in the Bitter Lakes, where she lay at anchor for eleven days to give the crew a break.

But once there the operation to block Tripoli was abandoned as it was deemed the old ship was just too slow and unreliable to undertake such an operation. With the original operation cancelled,  on the 26th July she returned to Port Tewfick in company with the aircraft carrier Formidable which had been damaged in the Mediterranean, and her escorting destroyer, H.M.S. Voyager.

She now began her journey back to the UK leaving Aden on 5th August for Mombassa. Two days out of Aden she encountered a typhoon and the heavy seas washed her ‘A’ turret away. After another day battling the elements, she needed to return to Aden, before, making for Bombay where the fresh 'A' turret was rebuilt, and she was also fitted with another 12x20mm Oerlikons AA guns. Once the work was complete she sailed from Bombay in the 19th May 1942, and seven days later she was again back in Aden to take on fuel and stores. As she left Aden she grounded on a sandbank and it took five tugs two days to get her free. She then resumed her voyage to Port Tewfick to load one thousand tons of stores for Malta. She then transited the Suez Canal, into the Mediterranean, arriving at Alexandria on Saturday 13 June. After re-fuelling, she left to join a convoy as part of Operation Vigorous, comprising of nine merchant ships, escorted by 8 cruisers, 25 destroyers, 4 M.Ls and 8 corvettes.  She had been assigned in the hopes of deceiving the Axis into believing the convoy had an operational battleship as escort. The Italians seem to have seen through the deception by the time the convoy sailed on 13 June, but the Germans not so. The Axis air attacks started early on the Sunday morning. One Merchant ship was hit and three planes were shot down. These attacks were to continue all through the day and into next day. Two more planes were shot down, but with the loss of the cruiser, H.M.S. Hermione and the destroyer H.M.S. Nestor. On Tuesday 16 June a signal was received by the convoy that the Italian fleet was heading towards them and with  ammunition low, it was decided to turn the convoy about and draw the Italian fleet away form Malta, to allow the east bound  convoy which had set out from Gibraltar to get through. The air attacks continued through the day with torpedo bombers and motor torpedo boats attacking at night. The Centurion was slightly damaged by near misses when attacked by nine dive bombers, her Oerlikons cannon shot one of them. One bomb hit the side of the fore-castle, went through and exploded on the waterline. There were fortunately no injuries. The 17th June was to witness further air attacks and this time enemy submarines made an appearance. Later that day the convoy finally reached Alexandria without further loss, though another destroyer and corvette had been damaged.

Following the convoy Centurion became a static AA battery ship at Alexandria and Suez where she was to remain until 1944, when she was selected for her final role. She sailed from Alexandria to the UK and was expended as a breakwater ship protecting the Mulberry harbours, when she was sunk off the Normandy beaches of Avranches on the 7th June 1944. She was finally scrapped in 1945, but the exact nature of the scrapping is unrecorded. An interesting fact of her appearance off Avranches is that after her arrival and positioning by tugs the sinking and evacuation of the 70 passage crew was witness by the German 35 Second Shore battery who reported a battleship sinking with great loss of life. As they had only witnessed a few men leaving the old lady, they thought the remaining 1000 or more had gone down with her.

The wreck of Audacious was filmed for the TV programme Deep Wreck Mysteries on the History Channel in 2008. The programme featured an investigation of the wreck and the circumstances of its loss by nautical archaeologist Innes McCartney and naval historian Bill Jurens. The wreck lies upside down at a depth of 58 to 68 metres (190–223 ft) in clear water at 55°32′16″N 7°24′33″W, some 17 miles (27 km) north-east of Tory Island. 'B' turret and part of its barbette was blown clear off the wreck by the explosion. (https://youtu.be/TEgpQhXZKPU)

And finally an extract form the wonderful journal Leslie Newton Brownfield, recounting his service on board HMS Ajax.  The extract is sourced from http://web.onetel.net.uk/~sunhouse/html/leslie1.html   where there are more of his non Ajax experiences available. It's a wonderful read. 
"In May 1918, at the advanced age of sixteen years and three months, I joined H.M.S. Ajax as a midshipman. Ajax was a battleship of the 2nd BS, forming part of the Grand Fleet. I joined at Rosyth and it was an incredible sight to see this enormous collection of battleships, battle cruisers, cruisers and destroyers for the first time. There was even one aircraft carrier, H.M.S. Argus the first of her kind.

I regret that I have no startling war experiences to relate. Possibly the fact that I’d come to sea was too much for the German High Sea Fleet, as they remained firmly in harbour and when finally they did come out, it was to surrender. I had the amazing good fortune to be in the foretop of Ajax, which was the second ship in the port line. Our fleet steamed to the eastwards in two lines of battle ships and gradually the German ships appeared out of the mist coming towards us in single line. We were at action stations as it was by no means certain that the Huns might not choose to have one last fling, but in the words of the police, they came quietly. As they came between us, our two lines turned in on either side of them and escorted them to their anchorage off May Island.

January 1919 we spent at Scapa Flow, keeping an eye on the surrendered High Sea Fleet. After a month, we sailed for our home port of Devonport. Though the armistice was, by then, some three months behind us, we had remained on a war footing, but coming to our home port seemed to bring us to the threshold of something mysterious and unknown to us, called “Peace time routine”. We remained in Devonport for about three months, giving leave and changing over to our peacetime complement. Strange and unheard of things came into being, such as frock coats and swords for officers and round jackets and dirks for mid-shipmen. No uniform allowances. An officer’s wardrobe was his sole responsibility and Messrs. Gieves must have had to extend a great deal of credit. We heard that we were destined for the Mediterranean and this entailed further purchases and investigation into the mysteries of white uniform.

It was a great day for the Gunroom when we left Plymouth bound for foreign parts. First we had to pass through the bay of Biscay with its roaring winds and tumultuous seas, but the Bay of Biscay let us down and was as calm as a mill pond. We could see the coast of Spain dimly in the distance but the first real thrill was sighting Cape Trafalgar before we turned and shaped our course to the westward. Soon we were entering the Straits with the coast of Spain clearly visible on one hand and the coast of North Africa on the other and then ”the rock” came looming up ahead.

Alongside at Gib. and the excitement of climbing into white uniform for the first time, but with the attendant sinking feeling of “have I got it right?” No shorts and shirts as today, but the high necked tunic and long trousers as now worn only on ceremonial occasions. Not only had sunbathing not generally been accepted, but it was the firm belief that, even in only subtropical conditions, the human frame was subject the hazards of sun stroke by day and, when the sun had given up its attack, the risk of chill by night. By day, officers and men when working in the open wore sun helmets; when dressed in their best, the sailors wore sun hats. These are the traditional straw hats only associated with certain unfortunate small boys and the chorus of H.M.S. Pinafore. This extremely smart looking but most impractical headgear disappeared, as an item of naval uniform, a year or so later. At 6 p.m. each day, even though the thermometer was still registering well up the scale, all and sundry must change into their thick blue uniform and remain so dressed until the sailors went to breakfast on the following morning. The only relaxation to this was that officers off duty wore white mess jackets, but blue trousers, a “boiled” shirt and a blue waistcoat supported these

Ajax secured at Gib alongside the South Mole, which is a very good birth since from here, you can walk ashore, and it seemed a very propitious for a spot of sight seeing. In the morning we were all inoculated, after which the surgeon Commander decreed that all the young gentleman should be excused duties for 24 hours to give them time to recover, this was splendid since it would leave us all free for our first expedition on foreign soil, at least this is what we thought! The first lieutenant, who was also the "Snotties Nurse" (or, more properly, the officer particularly responsible for the well-being of the midshipmen) ruled that if we were not fit for duty then we were not fit to go ashore. The ship sailed for Malta and next morning.

Unlike Gibraltar, Malta offers you a very little as you approach. You come up on it suddenly and it is not until your bows are practically between the two breakwaters which form the entrance to the Grand Harbour that, so to speak, the curtain is raised and you see the stage most magnificently set. My appreciation of the beauty of the Grand Harbour comes from my later and very frequent visits for, on this first occasion, I was far too busy looking at everything to see anything. All I definitely remember was a swarm of small brightly coloured gondola type boats that came out to meet us. I soon learnt that these were called dghaisas. They are charming little craft. They have the same high bow and sternposts as a gondola and they are painted all colours of the rainbow. Normally they are propelled by two gentlemen, who look as if they would cut your throat for a halfpenny stamp.

Forty years ago Malta was a wonderful place for an impecunious midshipman. First class bathing and games for a minimum expenditure of cash and much to do and look at for free. Normally a Snottie's leave expired at seven in the evening but there was a junior officers club in the dockyard, with a bar, bowling alley, billiard tables and other amusements, to which one could escape after dinner from a hot and crowded Gunroom. We found this a godsend, so it is a matter of some interest that when, in my capacity as Commodore I offered to start up a similar club in Hong Kong, the modern young gentlemen said that they had no use for one.

Getting ashore in Malta was never a problem. There was always a fleet of dghaisas around the ship waiting for custom and the fare ashore from anywhere in the Grand Harbour, legally, was three pence. If, however, the fair was tendered the dghaisa man invariably threw the coins into the bottom of the boat and spat on them, calling down the curse of the gods on the head of the donor. This implied no lasting ill will, as he was always eager and willing to pick you up for a return journey.

Having made a safe landing the custom House Quay there were then three methods of reaching the bright lights of Valetta. The first was to walk but, though this was no great distance, it was up a very steep hill. Financial considerations often made this method

necessary and the best route was to climb up what, for obvious reasons we called Step Street. Halfway up the street one passed "promotion hoop". This was a staple shaped piece of iron let into the wall. The story was that Nelson had been able to climb through it, and if you could do the same, you would follow in his footsteps. Nelson was a very small man and I'm always been what is tactfully described as "of full figure" so that this first wiggle along the road to fame was not for me.

The second of the methods of reaching the objective was to go up in the Barracca Lift. As the fare was only one halfpenny this generally was within financial reach, but it was a hazardous undertaking. This lift had been constructed by some unknown genius from what appeared to be condemned bedstead frames. No one had ever been seen to repair it since it had been constructed, and no living person appeared to know when it had made its first ascent. Someone must, however have tightened up some of the looser bolts from time to time as it has never been known to fail to reach the top and it is still running today.

The third and lordly method was to hire a carrozin. These are the local cabs and to obtain one you hail "Karotzi". A carrozin resembles a four-poster bed, complete with canopy, mounted on four wheels. The motive power is a horse, which, though reasonably cared for, always looked as if it were about to fall down dead.

The carrozin man, like his opposite number afloat, had a formula on receiving his fare. Irrespective of what was proffered, this ran "Oh Senior, something for the poor horse, no mother, no father, poor bastard!"

Malta was known as the island of bells and smells, for then the Church bells used to ring continuously and the smells, which equally well might be called goats, were everywhere. Down even the main thoroughfare of Valetta would come a herd of goats led by their senior member, sporting a bell, and followed by a gentleman chanting "Halibe, halibe". At any moment an upper window would be thrown open emitting a scream of Maltese and a receptacle, almost invariably an old naval tobacco tin was lowered on a string. The herd would halt and a gentleman would first empty a few coppers from the tin and then fill it with milk from the duty goat. As the tin was hauled up the goats would march on, to the accompaniment of "dong, dong, halibe, halibe", eating delectable cigarette ends on their way.

My first visit to Malta was not of long duration. Ajax was due for a long refit and we midshipmen was sent home to join her sister ship, HMS Centurion, at Devonport. We took passage in an ancient cruiser HMS St George that had been the depot ship at Mudross for a large part of the war, and was manned by a scratch crew, most of whom were on their way home to be demobilized.

Nobody troubled much about us and we took good care to be no trouble in return, which resulted in a very comfortable passage. The ship stayed several days at Gibraltar so we were able to have our deferred run ashore. A party of us went across the frontier to La Linea in Spain and saw a bullfight and as this was a special occasion, I believe that the standard was very high. The colour and pageantry were magnificent and the skill of the fighters beyond question so the I'm very glad to have seen it, but never have been tempted to repeat the experience......

........Early in 1920 Centurion sailed for Malta and, on arrival, we returned to Ajax. Then started what still remains in my memory as a fabulous two years. The chief factor that made them so, was our commander, Commander J F Somerville, afterwards to be Admiral of the Fleet Sir James. More of him later.

The commission started somewhat on a war footing. Our first duty was to proceed to Constantinople, not yet known as Istanbul, to join the Allied Occupation Force. The passage there was, in itself, a great experience. First the journey through the Aegean, past islands whose names previously had only been connected in our minds with Greek mythology. Then steaming through the Dardanelles, still with many signs of the bloody struggle, which had taken place on Gallipoli; finally the approach to Constantinople with its minarets, which, due to the mirage in the early morning, looked like a fairy city floating in the air.

After a short stay we went up through the Bosphorus into the Black Sea. Officially we were not at war with Russia but we were not on entirely friendly terms with the Bolshoviks. Our first job was to go to Odessa to assist with the evacuation of the White Russians. Here we anchored outside in pancake ice as the harbour was completely frozen. I was running a picket boat and it was only possible to enter the harbour behind an icebreaker and then one had to get out pretty quickly. A number of merchant ships were lying off the port and embarking refugees and I was ordered to board them to try and find out what assistance they might require. I say "try" to find out, as few if any, I encountered spoke any English and, though there was generally somebody who spoke French, my grip of that language started and finished with "la plume de ma tante". By the end of the week I do not know what language I was speaking but I was getting the answers.

During this period, truly a proud boast, I had been under fire. Several rifle shots had fallen near enough to my boat for them to be identified as such!

When the Red troops entered Odessa there was nothing more that we could do there, so we moved across to the east side of the Black Sea and bombarded the Bolsheviks as they advanced down the coast road. This was generally very dull, because as we appeared our target disappeared; but on one occasion sport looked up, as we were rewarded with a train that made a spirited attempt to avoid are 13.5in. shells. After this we steamed south down the coast keeping ahead of the hostilities and calling at both Gagri and Poti. These charming little places are frozen up at the height of winter but in summer they blossom out into a sub tropical climate, with palm trees and flowers, to become the Russian Riviera.

Naturally things were far from normal in the Black Sea ports. The White Russians were intent on getting out and literally with throwing their possessions away before they left and ships were offered all manner of things. Several grand pianos came away as deck cargoes and, it is told, one destroyer reluctantly had to refuse a Rolls Royce, as they had no room to stow it.

Ajax only collected one thing of note in Russia. The ship was presented with a very small brown bear cub, which was named Trotski. When he came aboard he was delightful to look at, but highly dangerous to handle. I was always bear minded and was determined to make friends with him and though this took some time, eventually I was able to do almost anything with him. We had three other pets in the ship, a bulldog, a small wire-haired terrier called "chunky" and a goat. Trotski loathed the bulldog who heartily reciprocated the feeling. Trotski and chunky soon became fast friends. Nobody loved the goat, he had a mean character.

A Royal Marine called Hickman, volunteered as a bear leader and handled Trotski very well. When the bear was small Hickman used to take him ashore on a lead and this, in Malta gave rise to a pretty piece knavery. In those happy days there was a pub about every five yards and Trotski, with Hickman in tow, would approach one of these. On arrival, Hickman would let Trotski off the lead and Trotski would enter showing every sign of hostile intent. The patrons, not being used to bears with their beer, would beat a hasty retreat and Trotski from one end and Hickman from the other would finish off all the abandoned refreshment. They would then move on to the next port of call with the result that, when they finally returned on board, it would be touch and go as to who was leading who.

We'd been told that Trotski was a honey bear and that he would grow to no great size but nobody can have let his mother into the secret, as in a short space of time, he became enormous and developed into a very strong swimmer. If Trotski became a bit bored in harbour he would slip over the side and either go ship visiting or for a run ashore. He had very pleasant character and if greeted as a friend would behave impeccably. People are funny however and it is not everybody who welcomes a full size Russian brown bear as a visitor, so often we would receive rather pained messages that our bear had just eaten some other wardroom's lunch. One day Trotski escaped and made his way to the Naval Rifle Range and finding a nice comfortable spot on the sun he went to sleep. The place he had chosen was one of the firing points and as it was required for its legitimate purpose, one of the instructors tried to induce Trotski to move by prodding him with a bayonet. This was a liberty that no self-respecting bear would take lying down so Trotski bit the instructor and the instructor shot Trotski. We were very sad, but our mourning had an undercurrent of relief. He had become a very big bear.

After our canter in the Black Sea we started to settle down to proper peacetime routine and Commander Somerville came into his own. He had only one standard and that was perfection but what was even more important, he had the drive and ability to convince all those serving under him that this was the only right and proper thing. In peacetime the routine work of keeping a ship fighting fit is apt to become dull and somewhat wearisome, so to offset this, these tasks must be given some extra purpose. This is done, or was done when large fleets were working together, by making everything competitive. To discharge one's guns at the battle practice target is not particularly exciting but try and do this better than anybody else at once gives the party a kick.

At the risk of causing an uproar from those who served in other ships in the Mediterranean at the time in question, I am prepared to say that Ajax rapidly worked up to be the cleanest, smartest and most efficient battleship in the fleet. A smart and efficient ship invariably is a happy ship and happy we were and we won practically every competition that there was to be won.

The two-year commission went only too fast. We spent most of our time either at Malta or Constantinople but did occasional cruises into the Eastern Mediterranean. On one of these I was able to spend a couple of days leave in Jerusalem. On the way to or from Constantinople we frequently anchored for a day or two in the Dardanelles and were able to walk over the Gallipoli peninsular and have a look at the battle fields. These were still littered with arms and ammunition. In addition to the residue of war there was a limited supply of quail, red-legged partridge and hare. Officers generally landed with a scattergun but, initially, I had no such sporting weapon and counted this as a setback. By good fortune and early in the commission I was detailed to join a party, which landed to confiscate the arms from a village, which had been indulging in a little amateur banditry. The spoils were a collection of museum pieces and among them was the relic of a 16 bore double barrel shotgun; it had engraved on its barrels the magic words "Damasco Turco Fino" and amid the mockery of my mates I obtained permission to impound this rare find. Damasco then retired from the world for a considerable period but when it emerged once again I'd removed most of corrosion from the barrels, blued them externally, French polished the butt and refitted the mechanism. It was a thing of beauty and more valuable in my eyes than the most perfect gun unobtainable. I was a very bad shot and so was Damasco so the fact that between us we frequently hit something, proves without doubt the fallacy of the old saying that two wrongs do not make a right. My fouling piece had only one failing. If you did not know it intimately it was apt to discharge prematurely when cocking the hammers. When on loan to one of my mates this habit resulted in a near miss on the Principal Medical Officer and it took major diplomacy to avert Damasco being impounded by higher authority.

When there were only about six months of the commission still to run, seven of us midshipmen were due to take examinations in seamanship, navigation, gunnery and torpedo. If we weathered these we would be promoted to acting sub lieutenants and, for a period prior to this ordeal we were excused routine duties in order to work up.

One day I was sitting on the gunroom, surrounded by manuals when a messenger arrived to say that the Commander wanted volunteers to sail a square rigged ship. This seemed a God sent chance to put my books away so I went along and knocked on the Commander's cabin door. Then started a delightful period. Commander Somerville was planning to build a replica of the Ajax of 1840 on the hull of a skiff and when I was signed on, building and rigging had only just commenced so I was able to take some small part in her construction. She was complete soon after I got my first ring as an acting Sub and from then on I became the Commander's assistant dog's body. I spent a great deal of time in Ajax II either acting as crew for the commander or sailing her with a very fine seaman Petty Officer Roberts crewing for me.
Ajax was a beautiful little ship. She was correct in every detail but what was still more important she sailed really well. Naturally a full rigged ship with a crew of two took a bit of handling and we did have some hectic moments.

After two wonderful years we were due to re-commission and a new crew was sent out to Malta in the battleship Emperor of India to take over. We all transferred to the Emperor of India to sail home again, but for some reason our sailing was delayed. The seven acting Subs, of which I was one, were all due to start the usual series of technical courses to fit as for the rank of lieutenant, soon after we got home. We had a brain wave. We submitted that if we remained to return on the Emperor of India we should not have time to complete our foreign service leave before taking up our next appointment and requested to be allowed to proceed overland. To our amazement this was approved and we were able to spend two most interesting days in Rome, but our even more ambitious plans for Paris, had to be curtailed, as we ran out of money".